The 2019 general elections in Nigeria have oftentimes been described as the country’s most controversial elections yet, with issues leading up to the polls, during the polls and notably after the polls had closed and results had been announced.
One of the most controversial moments to have occurred during this election revolved around the former governor of Imo State, Nigeria, Rochas Okorocha and his senatorial bid. Okorocha, who ran for a seat in the upper chambers of the house to represent Imo West senatorial district, had his certificate of return withheld by the country’s electoral umpire, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), after the Commission’s returning officer revealed that he had announced Okorocha’s win under duress. Following several back and forths, Okorocha was eventually handed his certificate, allowing him to join several other governors who have chosen the Nigerian Senate as their unofficial retirement home.
The Nigerian constitution permits two terms for every political office starting from Local Government elected positions to the Presidency. In an almost reflex-like manner, most elected representatives tend to go for a second term, with very few bowing out willingly. But after the second term, what’s next? An unsaid trend that has taken over the Nigerian political space can be seen in the case of governors who see the Senate as the next destination after their second term in office.
In the 2019 general elections, about nine state governors who completed their tenure that year, threw their hat into ring for Senatorial seats in their various states with six of them securing wins: Rochas Okorocha of Imo, Kashim Shettima of Borno, Ibrahim Geidam of Yobe, Abdulaziz Yari of Zamfara, Ibikunle Amosun of Ogun, and Tanko Al-Makura of Nasarawa.
Likewise, in the same election year, seven former governors secured seats in the upper chambers of the house, they are Orji Kalu of Abia State, Theodore Orji of Abia State, Sam Egwu of Ebonyi State, Danjuma Goje of Gombe State, Chimaroke Nnamani of Enugu, Ibrahim Shekarau of Kano State, and Adamu Abdullahi of Nasarawa State. Before the 9th house was sworn in, 22 former state executives had seats in the red chamber. With this transition becoming common practice, questions surrounding the competency of these former executives who now seat in the Senate have become a major part of the public discourse on accountability.
Nigeria: Performative or Effective?
“Some of the governors just go to the National Assembly to rest. Some of them have never sponsored any progressive bill. When the camera is on them, you’ll see them sleeping while deliberations are going on. They have turned it to a place of retirement,” says Executive Director of Gender Equality, Peace and Development Centre, Prof. (Mrs.) Patricia Donli.
With 109 senators sitting in the Nigerian Senate, it has become quite the norm for some senators to coast through four years without championing any bill with recognizable impact, waiting until the tail end of their tenure to launch a new project aimed at securing them another shot at power.
A bill progression chart obtained from the Rules and Business Committee for the 8th National Assembly from 2015 to 2016, indicated that eight former Governors including Ahmed Sani Yarima (Zamfara), Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso (Kano), George Akume (Benue), Danjuma Goje (Gombe), Adamu Aliero (Kebbi), Jonah Jang (Plateau), Bukar Abba Ibrahim (Yobe) and Godswill Akpabio (Akwa-Ibom) had no bills to their name at the time. As disappointing as this is, it doesn’t come as a surprise.
While it’s a 50-50 guessing game with most first time senators in terms of their ability to perform and effect change, with former governors, the proof is in their proverbial past puddings in Nigeria. If a governor fails to leave an indelible impression on his people with accomplishments that make their lives better over eight years, the chances of him doing that in the senate are very slim. Regardless of this, financial manipulation of the electorate and conversations in corridors of power, as opposed to competency and meaningful accomplishments, have made access to the legislative arm of government easy.
What does the Constitution Say?
The 1999 Constitution provides the requirements necessary for an individual with intentions to run for the Office of Senator in Nigeria. From educational background and political affiliations to financial and criminal history, these requirements are extensively discussed. While the Constitution does not specifically address former governors who run for senatorial seats, it does state that any individual who is employed in the public service of the Federation or of any State and wants to run for Senate must resign the employment at least 30 days before the date of the election.
Hoarding Power and its Effect on Political Inclusion
Several factors motivate this transition from state executive to the legislature. For some, the senate offers a protective shield that ensures that they don’t have to immediately answer to law enforcement agencies at the end of their tenure as governors. Allegations of financial mismanagement and corruption have trailed people like Senate President Saraki of Kwara state, Orji Uzor Kalu of Abia state, James Ibori of Delta state, Ikedi Ohakim of Imo State, Peter Odili of Rivers state and several others during and after their tenures as governors.
For most, what the senate offers is an opportunity to remain politically relevant. Taking a step back after wielding enormous power as a governor is no easy feat. To this end, most governors either make the move to become kingmakers in their state deciding who takes over from them, others, make their way to the nation’s capital Abuja, as senators, in a bid to hold on to some form of power and relevance.
However, hoarding power by the self-recycled few has a negative toll on democracy and political inclusion, especially when it comes to youths in the country.
There is a reason behind our democratic structure which obliges us to renew the mandate of our elected representative at all branches of government, once every four years. This allows for an equitable share of power, and the introduction of fresh ideas into the political space as others are offered a chance to serve. This purpose is defeated by the current nature of the Nigerian political system that allows for power to be hoarded and recycled by a chosen group of people, stifling the voices and ideas of others. While the #NotTooYoungToRun bill has reduced the age requirement for senators to ensure youth participation in our decision-making process, there’s no denying that these former governors have the upper hand based on their popularity and access to finance, hence why they seldom lose.
This endemic problem in Nigeria’s government contributes significantly to the glacial pace at which the country seems to be developing. How can we possibly move forward when we keep recycling the same ideas over and over again?
This story is part of our new series on Nigeria where we analyse electoral reform in the country ahead of the next general elections in 2023.
